The Importance of Neutrality in Lebanese Foreign Relations
Any careful reading of Lebanese history makes it clear that the country has often served as a battleground for foreign states and conflicting interests; a common Lebanese response to decades of foreign meddling is that countries like Israel and Syria and groups like the PLO were simply jealous of Lebanon’s natural and cultural beauty.
Yet all joking aside, Lebanon’s long tradition of governmental instability and weak rule of law has fostered a hospitable environment in which its larger, more powerful neighbours can advance their strategic interests. This was the case in the 1980s during the Israeli-PLO conflict and it is still the case today, although the main players are now Saudi Arabia and Iran. As these nations battle for regional supremacy amidst a Middle East rapidly devolving into extreme sectarianism, whatever exists of the Lebanese government must make sure that it walks a thin line down the middle.
Of course, this is quite difficult to manage when the two most important factions within Lebanese politics are accused of being puppets for Iran and Saudi Arabia. A common complaint among Lebanon’s citizens is that there are no parties that represent the country as a whole – there are factions for Shi’ites, Sunnis, Christians, and Druze, but none for Lebanon. While groups like Hezbollah, the Future Movement, or the Lebanese Forces will never be able to rid themselves of their inherent sectarian nature, they now possess the opportunity to demonstrate their commitment to the integrity of an independent Lebanese state whose political and security situation will not be compromised whenever a dispute arises between regional neighbours. By working together, these parties have the ability to make it clear that Lebanon will not be dragged into choosing sides in this battle.
This will not happen, and it is the fault of the Lebanese people. Since the end of the Civil War, Lebanon’s citizens have categorically failed in fostering a spirit of reconciliation within the country. Yes, the nation has suffered immensely due to those aforementioned foreign interests over which the average Lebanese had no control. However, this does not excuse the Lebanese from clinging to their religion as the primary base for self-identification. Neither does it excuse them from harbouring deep mistrust of different sects, as well as generally keeping to their “own kind” when choosing where to settle or who to marry.
Of course, the basis for this separation goes back decades, even centuries. Maronites in Lebanon still feel a very real sense of pain and anger stemming from the abuses their ancestors suffered under Ottoman rule. Shi’ites – traditionally the poorest and least well educated of Lebanon’s major sects – were only able to gain political and economic clout due to the manoeuvres of Shi’ite parties like Amal and Hezbollah. In the face of such a long history of division and sectarian isolation, it is no wonder that most Lebanese continue to embrace societal divisions, even if this is not a conscious intent on their part.
Yet no matter how hard it may be to move past these ancient divides, it is necessary in order to preserve some sense of national unity and peace. Syria and Iraq are currently being ripped apart by Saudi and Iranian meddling. This is because the leaders of these two nations do not care what happens to the average citizen as long as their respective influences grow. Lebanon cannot go down this road. For the vast majority of its citizens, Lebanon is the gem of the Middle East. In order for that gem to gleam brilliantly, the Lebanese must learn to embrace their similarities and not their differences. Sadly, it appears that this lesson will not be learned for a long time to come.
Claude Khalife
Any careful reading of Lebanese history makes it clear that the country has often served as a battleground for foreign states and conflicting interests; a common Lebanese response to decades of foreign meddling is that countries like Israel and Syria and groups like the PLO were simply jealous of Lebanon’s natural and cultural beauty.
Yet all joking aside, Lebanon’s long tradition of governmental instability and weak rule of law has fostered a hospitable environment in which its larger, more powerful neighbours can advance their strategic interests. This was the case in the 1980s during the Israeli-PLO conflict and it is still the case today, although the main players are now Saudi Arabia and Iran. As these nations battle for regional supremacy amidst a Middle East rapidly devolving into extreme sectarianism, whatever exists of the Lebanese government must make sure that it walks a thin line down the middle.
Of course, this is quite difficult to manage when the two most important factions within Lebanese politics are accused of being puppets for Iran and Saudi Arabia. A common complaint among Lebanon’s citizens is that there are no parties that represent the country as a whole – there are factions for Shi’ites, Sunnis, Christians, and Druze, but none for Lebanon. While groups like Hezbollah, the Future Movement, or the Lebanese Forces will never be able to rid themselves of their inherent sectarian nature, they now possess the opportunity to demonstrate their commitment to the integrity of an independent Lebanese state whose political and security situation will not be compromised whenever a dispute arises between regional neighbours. By working together, these parties have the ability to make it clear that Lebanon will not be dragged into choosing sides in this battle.
This will not happen, and it is the fault of the Lebanese people. Since the end of the Civil War, Lebanon’s citizens have categorically failed in fostering a spirit of reconciliation within the country. Yes, the nation has suffered immensely due to those aforementioned foreign interests over which the average Lebanese had no control. However, this does not excuse the Lebanese from clinging to their religion as the primary base for self-identification. Neither does it excuse them from harbouring deep mistrust of different sects, as well as generally keeping to their “own kind” when choosing where to settle or who to marry.
Of course, the basis for this separation goes back decades, even centuries. Maronites in Lebanon still feel a very real sense of pain and anger stemming from the abuses their ancestors suffered under Ottoman rule. Shi’ites – traditionally the poorest and least well educated of Lebanon’s major sects – were only able to gain political and economic clout due to the manoeuvres of Shi’ite parties like Amal and Hezbollah. In the face of such a long history of division and sectarian isolation, it is no wonder that most Lebanese continue to embrace societal divisions, even if this is not a conscious intent on their part.
Yet no matter how hard it may be to move past these ancient divides, it is necessary in order to preserve some sense of national unity and peace. Syria and Iraq are currently being ripped apart by Saudi and Iranian meddling. This is because the leaders of these two nations do not care what happens to the average citizen as long as their respective influences grow. Lebanon cannot go down this road. For the vast majority of its citizens, Lebanon is the gem of the Middle East. In order for that gem to gleam brilliantly, the Lebanese must learn to embrace their similarities and not their differences. Sadly, it appears that this lesson will not be learned for a long time to come.
Claude Khalife