Echoes of the War
With the presidential post vacant and the country’s two main political blocs in deadlock, it is understandable that Lebanese are feeling helpless, and – once again – abandoned by those supposedly elected to lead. Yet in Lebanon, feelings of helplessness and despair all too often lead to one of the nation’s most dangerous traditions – sectarian self-security. As the wider Arab world succumbs to interconfessional violence and strife, the Lebanese must stick to their values of tolerance and openness, all the while working hard to elect a president who will be able to lend a modicum of stability to a nation in such disarray.
Recent events in Lebanon have intensified long-held fears among its citizens of a return to the civil war. The battle between the Lebanese Army and Sunni extremists in Arsal and the resulting hostage crisis are simply the latest in a series of destabilizing events to rock the country. Syrians continue to stream across the porous frontier between the two nations, and their growing numbers are evoking memories of the PLO’s exodus to Lebanon in the early 1970s. Shi’ites, Christians, and Druze alike have grown deeply concerned with the 1.5 million-strong, largely Sunni Syrian population.
One the one hand, these fears have led to a certain sort of cooperation among Lebanon’s divided faiths. Christian leaders in areas such as Akkar and Baalbek have been rumored to be working with Hezbollah in order to form local self-defense militias to safeguard towns from a perceived Syrian threat. Meanwhile, Waalid Jumblaat recently called for the Druze to “go back to the 5 pillars”, a reference to his desire for the Druze to embrace the Islamic roots they share with Sunnis and Shia.
Yet this sort of religious cooperation does not extend to Lebanon’s Sunnis, although they themselves have as much to fear from ISIS as the rest of the nation does. While Hezbollah formerly garnered support even from Sunnis as a symbol of Lebanese resistance and independence, their involvement in Syria has left many Sunnis questioning their ultimate goals – and contributed to the heightening of sectarian tensions within the country. With Hezbollah actively fighting alongside members of the Syrian Arab Army, the link between the group and Shi’ite Iran has now become too difficult for Lebanon’s Sunnis to ignore.
The sectarian problem is compounded by Lebanon’s current lack of direction. The presidential crisis has perfectly demonstrated the nation’s wider political deadlock. Forces on both sides of the aisle remain committed to the impasse, with no signs of compromise emerging. As is the norm during such tense times, politicians have instead resorted to laying blame on nations like Saudi Arabia and Iran for Lebanon’s problems, a legitimate point that does absolutely nothing to help improve the situation.
If there is one saving grace during these times, it is the performance of the Lebanese Armed Forces. Undermanned, undertrained, and underequipped, the LAF has nonetheless maintained its hugely important role as a nonsectarian force for the nation. Unfortunately, it has taken the deaths of far too many soldiers of all faiths to truly prove this fact – and more may come, as the government sits feebly by while soldiers are being held hostage on the border.
In these next few months, Lebanon will be faced with its most trying times since the Hezbollah-Israel War of 2006. Yet the gathering clouds of sectarian division, political deadlock, and foreign threats have the potential to unleash a perfect storm on a level that far exceeds the destruction of eight years ago. While no one factor will alleviate the tensions that currently envelop the country, the return of a president will do much to improve the legitimacy and direction of a government that is in sore need of much more than that.
Claude Khalife
With the presidential post vacant and the country’s two main political blocs in deadlock, it is understandable that Lebanese are feeling helpless, and – once again – abandoned by those supposedly elected to lead. Yet in Lebanon, feelings of helplessness and despair all too often lead to one of the nation’s most dangerous traditions – sectarian self-security. As the wider Arab world succumbs to interconfessional violence and strife, the Lebanese must stick to their values of tolerance and openness, all the while working hard to elect a president who will be able to lend a modicum of stability to a nation in such disarray.
Recent events in Lebanon have intensified long-held fears among its citizens of a return to the civil war. The battle between the Lebanese Army and Sunni extremists in Arsal and the resulting hostage crisis are simply the latest in a series of destabilizing events to rock the country. Syrians continue to stream across the porous frontier between the two nations, and their growing numbers are evoking memories of the PLO’s exodus to Lebanon in the early 1970s. Shi’ites, Christians, and Druze alike have grown deeply concerned with the 1.5 million-strong, largely Sunni Syrian population.
One the one hand, these fears have led to a certain sort of cooperation among Lebanon’s divided faiths. Christian leaders in areas such as Akkar and Baalbek have been rumored to be working with Hezbollah in order to form local self-defense militias to safeguard towns from a perceived Syrian threat. Meanwhile, Waalid Jumblaat recently called for the Druze to “go back to the 5 pillars”, a reference to his desire for the Druze to embrace the Islamic roots they share with Sunnis and Shia.
Yet this sort of religious cooperation does not extend to Lebanon’s Sunnis, although they themselves have as much to fear from ISIS as the rest of the nation does. While Hezbollah formerly garnered support even from Sunnis as a symbol of Lebanese resistance and independence, their involvement in Syria has left many Sunnis questioning their ultimate goals – and contributed to the heightening of sectarian tensions within the country. With Hezbollah actively fighting alongside members of the Syrian Arab Army, the link between the group and Shi’ite Iran has now become too difficult for Lebanon’s Sunnis to ignore.
The sectarian problem is compounded by Lebanon’s current lack of direction. The presidential crisis has perfectly demonstrated the nation’s wider political deadlock. Forces on both sides of the aisle remain committed to the impasse, with no signs of compromise emerging. As is the norm during such tense times, politicians have instead resorted to laying blame on nations like Saudi Arabia and Iran for Lebanon’s problems, a legitimate point that does absolutely nothing to help improve the situation.
If there is one saving grace during these times, it is the performance of the Lebanese Armed Forces. Undermanned, undertrained, and underequipped, the LAF has nonetheless maintained its hugely important role as a nonsectarian force for the nation. Unfortunately, it has taken the deaths of far too many soldiers of all faiths to truly prove this fact – and more may come, as the government sits feebly by while soldiers are being held hostage on the border.
In these next few months, Lebanon will be faced with its most trying times since the Hezbollah-Israel War of 2006. Yet the gathering clouds of sectarian division, political deadlock, and foreign threats have the potential to unleash a perfect storm on a level that far exceeds the destruction of eight years ago. While no one factor will alleviate the tensions that currently envelop the country, the return of a president will do much to improve the legitimacy and direction of a government that is in sore need of much more than that.
Claude Khalife