Between a Rock and a Hard Place
In 1961, a group of world leaders assembled in Belgrade in order to form the “non-aligned movement”, an organization dedicated to remaining free from the disproportionate influences of the US and USSR and thus to maintaining their individual sovereignties amidst the geopolitical turmoil of in the Cold War.
If only such a movement could be reborn in Lebanon today. Once again, the Lebanese people find themselves alone in the middle of a vast storm brewing in the Middle East, with only the basic semblance of a government to protect them against the very real threats to sectarian unity and state security that are plaguing the country. In the midst of a conflict that has seen fighting from Tripoli to Mosul in Iraq, both March 8th and March 14th have chosen to do what Lebanese often do best: point fingers.
Instead of convincingly working to find a president who may bridge the gap between the two coalitions, leaders on both sides seem content to abandon the Lebanese for their foreign friends in times of need: their division is so vast that some would rather travel to Saudi Arabia or Iran than to sit down across the table from their rivals and flesh out any compromises.
Since the Syrian crisis began, both Marches have failed to provide any sort of tangible stability to the Lebanese people. This is not because of any perceived sectarian division within Lebanon: whether one is Muslim or Christian, Sunni or Shi’ite, problems such as the Syrian refugee overload, the lack of a President, and the underdevelopment of Lebanese infrastructure cause deep concern. The problems with which all Lebanese agree on far outweigh those that may be divided based on sect or creed.
So why, then, is it impossible for the coalitions to work together? Why do electricity outages continue to this day? Why must Lebanese in Akkar and Arsal remain terrified of rebel attacks while impoverished, uneducated young men in Tripoli and Sidon have little recourse but to leave their homeland or be drawn into the trap of Islamic insurgency?
To answer this, the Lebanese people must begin asking themselves questions. Why, in a nation of people who have so much pride for their country, are so many so quick to blame other nations or sects for problems that affect the entire nation? Why do the Lebanese continue to elect the same tired political dynasties that have been in power since the 50’s, the same families that led militias into battle during the Civil War? Why can’t the nation understand that problems will not be resolved by a Hariri, Nasrallah, Aoun or Jumblatt but instead by the people as a whole?
To answer these questions correctly may take hundreds of pages, yet the unpleasant fact remains that the Lebanese are still bound by the same stale prejudices that led them to slaughter each other during the Civil War. As much as criticizing politicians remains a national pastime, citizens still continue to vote in the same ones over and over again.
Many of these problems are not unique to Lebanon. In the United States, political deadlock between Republicans and Democrats led to a government shutdown last year, while in Europe the gulf between EU supporters and detractors continues to grow.
Yet neither the US nor the EU lack the instability that comes with a vacant executive branch. Nor are they surrounded on one side by lawless frontier filled with militants and on the other by a nation with which they have been officially at war with for decades. The deadlocks among these governments may threaten the economy or national security or even the future of the EU, but they do not threaten the very existence of their people.
The impasse between March 8th and March 14th, however, does just that. As long as these coalitions are in power, and the Lebanese continue to perpetuate the political dynasties of families who have long ago proven their complete and utter uselessness, the situation in the land of the Cedars will not advance in any meaningful way. It may not get worse, and it may even improve a bit if campaigns against ISIS draw the eye of the storm farther away from Lebanon.
Yet even if some semblance of peace returns to the region, Lebanon will never become a stable, developed state until politicians cease to blame each other for problems, until they finally end the tradition of representing their “people” and instead represent the Lebanese as a whole.
Claude Khalife
In 1961, a group of world leaders assembled in Belgrade in order to form the “non-aligned movement”, an organization dedicated to remaining free from the disproportionate influences of the US and USSR and thus to maintaining their individual sovereignties amidst the geopolitical turmoil of in the Cold War.
If only such a movement could be reborn in Lebanon today. Once again, the Lebanese people find themselves alone in the middle of a vast storm brewing in the Middle East, with only the basic semblance of a government to protect them against the very real threats to sectarian unity and state security that are plaguing the country. In the midst of a conflict that has seen fighting from Tripoli to Mosul in Iraq, both March 8th and March 14th have chosen to do what Lebanese often do best: point fingers.
Instead of convincingly working to find a president who may bridge the gap between the two coalitions, leaders on both sides seem content to abandon the Lebanese for their foreign friends in times of need: their division is so vast that some would rather travel to Saudi Arabia or Iran than to sit down across the table from their rivals and flesh out any compromises.
Since the Syrian crisis began, both Marches have failed to provide any sort of tangible stability to the Lebanese people. This is not because of any perceived sectarian division within Lebanon: whether one is Muslim or Christian, Sunni or Shi’ite, problems such as the Syrian refugee overload, the lack of a President, and the underdevelopment of Lebanese infrastructure cause deep concern. The problems with which all Lebanese agree on far outweigh those that may be divided based on sect or creed.
So why, then, is it impossible for the coalitions to work together? Why do electricity outages continue to this day? Why must Lebanese in Akkar and Arsal remain terrified of rebel attacks while impoverished, uneducated young men in Tripoli and Sidon have little recourse but to leave their homeland or be drawn into the trap of Islamic insurgency?
To answer this, the Lebanese people must begin asking themselves questions. Why, in a nation of people who have so much pride for their country, are so many so quick to blame other nations or sects for problems that affect the entire nation? Why do the Lebanese continue to elect the same tired political dynasties that have been in power since the 50’s, the same families that led militias into battle during the Civil War? Why can’t the nation understand that problems will not be resolved by a Hariri, Nasrallah, Aoun or Jumblatt but instead by the people as a whole?
To answer these questions correctly may take hundreds of pages, yet the unpleasant fact remains that the Lebanese are still bound by the same stale prejudices that led them to slaughter each other during the Civil War. As much as criticizing politicians remains a national pastime, citizens still continue to vote in the same ones over and over again.
Many of these problems are not unique to Lebanon. In the United States, political deadlock between Republicans and Democrats led to a government shutdown last year, while in Europe the gulf between EU supporters and detractors continues to grow.
Yet neither the US nor the EU lack the instability that comes with a vacant executive branch. Nor are they surrounded on one side by lawless frontier filled with militants and on the other by a nation with which they have been officially at war with for decades. The deadlocks among these governments may threaten the economy or national security or even the future of the EU, but they do not threaten the very existence of their people.
The impasse between March 8th and March 14th, however, does just that. As long as these coalitions are in power, and the Lebanese continue to perpetuate the political dynasties of families who have long ago proven their complete and utter uselessness, the situation in the land of the Cedars will not advance in any meaningful way. It may not get worse, and it may even improve a bit if campaigns against ISIS draw the eye of the storm farther away from Lebanon.
Yet even if some semblance of peace returns to the region, Lebanon will never become a stable, developed state until politicians cease to blame each other for problems, until they finally end the tradition of representing their “people” and instead represent the Lebanese as a whole.
Claude Khalife